Thursday, April 23, 2015

Entry 282: Scream Chasing

The little man is sick these days -- not the-sniffles-and-a-cough sick, but full-on can't-hold-food-down sick.  He's got some sort of stomach bug, and it was coming out both ends all day yesterday.  (Cleanup was not particularly enjoyable.)  We've been following the instructions of his doctor, and he's doing much better today, but he's still not 100%.  It's one of the hardest things to do -- be helpless while you watch your child ail.  And I imagine it would be even harder if I actually had feelings.  He will get better soon though.  And in the meantime, I might as well take advantage of the off-day (I took a sick day to tend to him), and crank out a post while he sleeps.

The topic of today's entry is a fascinating book I just finished: Chasing the Scream: The First and Last Days of the War on Drugs by Johann Hari.  It is about the epic failure of the War on Drugs, as perpetuated mostly by the U.S. government.  I thought it was excellent and extremely moving -- so much so that I feel compelled to spread the word.  I highly recommend reading the book, but if you don't, here are the highlights.  (And here is a website where you can find out more and get involved.)

1.  The War on Drugs, Like All Prohibitions, Fosters Organized Crime
You don't have to be a master logician to make this connection.  When you make something illegal, you create a black market, and this black market is necessarily controlled by criminals.  Because these criminals have no legal way to enforce the rules of their market they use violence.  (Remember on Breaking Bad when Skinny Pete got held up at knife-point by those junkies?  It led to an ATM getting dropped on a man's head.)  Prohibition thus rewards the most amoral and ruthless among us -- and the rewards are so vast that there is no legal deterrent.  And eventually the gangsters amass so much wealth and power that they can buy off elected officials and the police.  They go from being a destructive anti-establishment force to being the establishment.  This happened in the US during Prohibition with Al Capone and Arnold Rothstein.  And it's happening right now with various drug cartels in Mexico.  If drugs were legal (like alcohol now), these crime syndicates would have much less money and wield substantially less influence.  In fact, the relatively small act of legalizing pot in a few places in the U.S. is helping to prove this theory.

By the way, this, I think, is the best argument for legalizing drugs when you are talking to conservatives who are "tough on crime" (which generally means "stupid on crime," but that's another story).  Prohibition = Crime.  It's a very simple identity that most people understand regardless of their politics.

2.  Decriminalizing and/or Legalizing Drugs Would Not Lead to a Massive Rise in Drug Use
The fear that legalizing drugs leads to a massive explosion in use has proven to be mostly unfounded.  The book gives the statistics on places -- Portugal, for example -- where drugs have mostly been decriminalized.  It also gives a quote from a man named João Figueira, the chief of the Lisbon Drug Squad, who was staunchly against decriminalization before was enacted: "The things we were afraid of didn't happen."  And the reason they didn't happened is people, by and large, don't use drugs for the reasons we have long thought they do.

3.  People, By and Large, Don't Use Drugs for the Reasons We Have Long Thought They Do
The story about drugs that I, and everybody within two or three generations of me, learned growing up is that drug use is almost completely about physical addiction.  If you try heroin, you will become physically addicted, and this dependency will take over your life and put you in the thralls of the devil substance forever.  That's more or less what I learned in D.A.R.E.  But studies and common sense belie this simplistic narrative.

Let's start with the latter.  As pointed out in the book, millions upon millions of people -- the majority of the population -- have tried heroin or something akin to heroin.  I have and you probably have too.  It's called an opiate-based painkiller, and it is very useful if, say, you need to have knee surgery or you badly strain your upper back (which is why I needed it).  And yet very few of us actually become heroin addicts because of our use.  How can that be, if heroin enslaves us through physical addiction?

In fact, physical dependency, appears to be a small -- not completely negligible, but small -- percentage of drug addiction.  (The book posits around 15% or 20%.)  The overwhelming factor in drug addiction is life -- circumstance.  If you have a life you like, you are not likely to do drugs heavily; if you don't, you probably will.  That's why I didn't keep doing painkillers after my injuries healed (in fact, I rarely took more than a pill or two).  I have a life.  I would rather be with my family and friends or do math or read or play Scrabble or make a crossword puzzle than zone out in an opiate-induced stupor.



In the book, Hari illustrates this idea through a very interesting study carried out by a researcher in Canada.  What the researcher did is add a twist to the famous rat-drug study, in which a rat in a cage is given access to a powerful drug like heroin or cocaine by pushing a lever, and then it does nothing but push the lever until it ODs and dies.  The twist is that instead of keeping the rat in a barren cage, the researcher made "Rat Park," a virtual paradise for rats -- other rats to hang out with, rat activities, good rat food, etc.  -- and put the rat in there.  In Rat Park, the vast majority of the rats tried the drug, but did not go back and did not OD.  They had better things to do.  The author sums this up by saying it's not your physiology, it's your "cage."

On a personal note, I once had a friend who did more drugs than Leonardo DiCaprio in Basketball Diaries.  After he went on a huge coke bender one weekend, I asked him, "What if you took too much and your heart just stopped?"  His blasé response: "Eh ... I don't have much going on anyway."

4.  Criminal Prosecution and Stigmatization are the Worst Things We Can Do to Reform Addicts
With Rat Park in mind, it's easy to see whats wrong with our currently system.  We take large amounts of people, many of them black and brown, many of whom had unmanageably stressful and traumatic upbringings, most of whom are using drugs to escape their shitty lives -- and we respond by making their lives shittier.  That's our solution?  We give them criminal records so they can't get decent employment; we stigmatize them so that they don't fit in socially; we make them feel worthless -- and then we expect them to not use drugs anymore?  We expect them to not do the one thing that gives them relief, the one thing takes away their pain?  It makes absolutely no sense.

If you were devising a drug policy from scratch with the intent of ensuring as few addicts as possible could get clean, our system, sadly, would be a very good one.  We should take all of the money we spend policing and prosecuting nonviolent drug offenders -- 100% of it -- and use it to provide actual help for addicts -- safe housing, counselling, support groups, job training, etc.

And even if you don't buy into the compassion angle, even if you think people make choices to do drugs and have to live with the consequences, even if you think it's not your problem, I would point out that it very much is your problem.  Drug addicts are also drug customers, and they are the best types of customers because there is almost nothing they won't do to get their fix, including committing acts of theft and violence -- possibly on you, if you happen to be in the wrong place at the wrong time.  Also, drug customers means drug sellers, which means all sorts of bad things (see Item 1).  Our broken system is your problem, because it's everybody's problem.



5.  Legalizing and Regulating Drugs Would Lead to Safer Use, Particularly Among Kids
One obvious thing that I never really thought about before reading this book is that prohibition incents sellers of illegal substances to only hock the most potent forms of their products.  During Prohibition, for example, beer was hard to come by.  Why?  It takes up too much space.  If you have to smuggle hooch across state lines in the hutch of a horseless carriage, you don't have room for the weak stuff.  It's the same principle with heroin or meth or what have you: to maximize the reward to risk ratio, a smuggler has to put the most potent form possible into the smallest package.  This, along with the fact that street drugs aren't monitored by the FDA, lead to far more dangerous drug use than if drugs were legal.

As for the kids, there is a strong case that drugs would be more difficult for kids to get if they were legal.  Why?  Dealers don't check IDs.  When I was in high school, getting pot was no more difficult than getting booze, and oftentimes it was much easier.

6.  There is Hope
Changing drug policy is a monumental task politically, for all the usual reasons changing something
is a monumental task politically.  For one thing, a lot of people make money off the current system, not just gangsters, but also the makers of legal recreational drugs -- rich and powerful corporations.  And when rich and powerful people make money off something that something is difficult to change.  Indeed, whenever the legalization of marijuana comes up for debate, big alcohol is on the front lines against it.  They don't want the competition.*

But the bigger issue, I feel, is a change would require a lot of people who currently support and administer the Drug War to admit they are wrong.  And admitting they are wrong means admitting they are, in part, responsible for a disastrous policy that has facilitated untold suffering on untold numbers of people.  This is not an admission people usually allow themselves make.

But eventually people retire and are replaced by other people who don't necessarily hold the same views as the first people, and over time things can change.  And what helps bring about change in policy is change in public opinion, and we are already seeing the change in public opinion.  Despite being against federal law, pot is now legal in Washington and Colorado and Washington D.C. (maybe).  This would have seemed far-fetched to me 20 years ago.

In a way, legalizing drugs is an issue of personal liberties, and for all its faults, the U.S. has a very good track record of doing the right thing on personal liberties -- eventually.   Just look at where we are with gay rights.  Can't drug legalization be the new gay marriage?  I don't see why not.  It might take a while, but I think the Drug War will end this century.  And if it doesn't, well, it's not going to matter much anyway, once global warming takes us all out.

And on that note: until next time ...

*There is a part in the book about the mayor of Denver, who previously made his living off of owning and operating a brewery, who was against the legalization initiative in Colorado, so one of the main pro-pot advocates challenged him to a "duel": for every shot of alcohol the mayor would take, the pot advocate would take a hit off a joint, and they would see who dies first.  The mayor, as you might guess, declined.  But eventually he did kinda sorta come around on the issue.

Saturday, April 18, 2015

Entry 281: Crossword Puzzle Inside Baseball

I'm afraid it's another quasi-non-entry on this blog again this weekend.  My parents left today and since I spent most my free-time hanging out with them, I'm behind the 8-ball, so to speak, with typical life stuff, and I need the rest of the weekend to catch up.  However, I do have something to talk about briefly.

I made a crossword puzzle that ran today in the New York Times.  It's a Saturday puzzle which means there is no theme, and it's hard -- like, damn-near impossible for somebody who doesn't do puzzles regularly.  But it's a "low word count" puzzle, meaning there are a lot of long answers stacked on top of each other which makes the grid more interesting (and harder for the constructor to fill).  It allows for snappier fill than you will see in, say, a typical Monday puzzle.  I encourage you to try it if you have access to today's NYT.  You can always try and use Google if need be.

Also you can follow an online "discussion" between me and some people on the Internet who are critical of my puzzle.  Basically, some commenters at various websites said it is too "trivia" oriented and that there are too many proper nouns, so I wrote a quasi-rebuttal (warning: contains spoilers) at my seldom used Scrabble/crossword puzzle blog.  It's fascinating stuff!  Or at least it is, if you like petty arguments about crossword puzzles.

[A model of the solar system is called an orrery.]

Until next time ...

Sunday, April 12, 2015

Entry 280: Charlatans

Me: I might be a lot of things, but a charlatan is not one of them.
My friend RW: Well then, I guess you shouldn't move to North Carolina.

There is a scene in the 1994* film Pulp Fiction in which John Travolta's character Vince is talking to his drug dealer Lance (played by Eric Stoltz) about how somebody keyed his Malibu, and he tells Lance the following:
I just wish I caught 'em doin' it, ya know?  Oh man, I'd give anything to catch 'em doin' it. It'a been worth his doin' it, if I coulda just caught 'em, you know what I mean?

I love this line, because it's sneakily profound.  Bringing bad people to justice feels good, but that good feeling only exists if the wrongdoing exists.  So is this wrongdoing in some way good in that it ultimately serves a positive purpose, making people feel good?  In broader terms: Would you choose to eliminate all "bad" knowing that with it you would also be destroying much of what we perceive as "good" in this world by comparison?  Or as Satan puts it in the South Park movie:
What is evil anyway?Is there reason to the rhyme?Without evil there could be no good, so it must be good to be evil sometimes.
I bring this up because I came across this article the other day -- The "Food Babe" Blogger Is Full of Shit -- and I found myself absolutely delighting in what a thorough and beautifully-executed take-down it was of this phony the "Food Babe," of whom I had never even heard before reading the article.  I loathe charlatans, and hearing about one getting her comeuppance (kinda) is a total guilty pleasure of mine -- so much so, that I literally felt guilty about it.  I mean, here is a woman who is enriching herself and gaining notoriety by propagating total BS, some of it harmful to society (especially the quasi-anti-vax stuff), and yet, on some level, I'm glad she exists, because reading about her is entertaining, and it makes me feel superior.  Is that right?

I will leave you all to ponder this.  It's a short entry today, because my parents are in town, so I'm spending most my free time hanging out with them.

Until next time ...

*1994 was a great year for movies, by the way, check out this list.  In addition to Pulp Fiction, you've got The Shawshank Redemption, Forrest Gump, Ace Ventura: Pet Detective, Dumb and Dumber, Clerks, and The Lion King.  That's three all-time classics; three of my favorite stupidly hilarious comedies; and one of the top-grossing animated films ever.  And it's even got a decent secondary class with movies like Quiz Show, Ed Wood, The Hudsucker Proxy, Crooklyn, True Lies, Natural Born Killers, Jason's Lyric, Interview with the Vampire, and Star Trek Generations.  Is 1994 the greatest movie year of my lifetime?

Saturday, April 4, 2015

Entry 279: I Do Not Think Tolerance Means What You Think It Means

A few topics on today's agenda, so let's get to it.  The first is the whole "religious freedom" kerfuffle in Indiana.  I use quotes because it is not really a religious freedom law; we already have a real religious freedom law, it's called the First Amendment.  This faux religious freedom law is actually a law designed to ensure religious people (particularly fundamentalist Christians) can discriminate against people (particularly gays) without fear of legal recourse.  As somebody who is not religious and who views religious causes through very skeptical eyes, and as somebody who loves gay people (most the ones I know, anyway), you can probably guess on which side of the aisle I sit.  What has been most interesting/amusing to me about this whole debacle is watching Indiana governor Mike Pence try to hold two opposing views at once and placate two constituencies that want mutually exclusive things.  It's been an especially bold and pathetic bit of doublethink, even by political standards.  He felt the need to "fix" a law, with which he said there was nothing wrong.  He said the media was misrepresenting the law's intent, but then evaded George Stephanopoulos' very direct and clear questions of clarification.  Then once the heat got turned up, he said that the law did not allow for discrimination against gays and lesbians, despite signing it in a private ceremony attended by several outspoken opponents of gay rights.  As The Onion puts it: "Indiana Governor Insists New Law Has Nothing To Do With Thing It Explicitly Intended To Do," which is so spot-on it's not really appropriate for a satirical newspaper.  There's no joke there.


Because, the thing is, many religious organizations want the express "right" to discriminate against gay people.  They believe homosexuality is a sin, and they want to treat gay people as sinners not as normal members of socity.  (See, for example, the file on the American Family Association, the head of which was at Pence's aforementioned signing ceremony.)  Many ultraconservative, religious business owners want to be able to deny service to gay people with impunity.  I know this -- we all know this -- because they say this.  It's not a secret.  Denying gay people equal rights is a matter of principle and even of pride to many religious fundamentalists.  Take, for example, the Christian owners of the Indiana pizzeria in this story.  They said point-blank they would refuse to cater a gay wedding (the obvious joke being, of course, that no gay couple would ever have their wedding catered by a pizzeria).  And lest you think they are some sort of extreme outlier, read the full story.  After protesters harangued them into shutting down -- which I don't think is right, by the way; it's fine to protest/boycott them and trash them on Yelp, but bombarding them with fake orders is straight-up harassment, and it's wrong, in my opinion -- prominent conservative groups rallied to their side and raised, at last check, nearly $1 million for them to reopen.  They have become martyrs of the "good Christian" cause, standing up to the bullying, sinful Left.

And that's another reason why I think it is bad to harass the bigoted pizzeria owners.  It gives credence to Pence's misguided claim that "tolerance is a two-way street."  This is an argument I read often in the comments sections of articles and on Facebook, that supporters of gay rights are often the real bigots because they discriminate against Christians.  In the case of the Indiana law it goes something like this: people who are against the law are hypocrites, because they preach tolerance, but they are intolerant of the people who are in favor of the law.  (In fact, the Wall Street Journal made that argument here.)  But to the people who believe that I say this: I do not think tolerance means what you think it means.



First of all, when people say "we need to be tolerant" they are not saying "we need to be tolerant of all people and all ideas at all times" (and if they are, they should be ignored).  Obviously there are situations in which intolerance in the proper course of action.  For example, as a society, we should obviously not be tolerant of people who think it's fun to walk up and down the street and kick people in the shins at random.  Rather, "be tolerant" is shorthand for "be tolerant toward the person whose lifestyle does not negatively affect you or anybody else in any tangible way."  This is really what people mean when they say "be tolerant," but it's not what people say because people just don't talk that way.  ("Don't judge" is a similar phrase in this regard.)  And this is why it's not right to discriminate against gay people: Homosexuality, even if it's not for you, even if you think it's sinful, does not tangibly affect you (or anybody else) in a negative way.  It just doesn't.  To illustrate this I will quote Barney Frank in a recent episode of Fresh Air about being a gay congressman during the DOMA debate:
So they came up with this notion - and that's why it was called the Defense of Marriage Act. To be intellectually honest it should've been we don't want those people to be able to get together act. But they had to come up with supposed negative social consequences. And one of the reasons that we were able to win this battle was they made the mistake because once Massachusetts broke the logjam and started same-sex marriage, it became undeniably clear that there were no adverse consequences. So they had built their arguments on a false premise. But you correctly said, oh, it's the institution of marriage. In a debate on the Defense of Marriage Act, I get on the floor and said I want to understand how does the fact that I love another man hurt your marriage? What about my relations - voluntary relations - with another guy in any way jeopardizes your marriage? And I said I'll yield to any member of the House wants to explain to me how what I would do would hurt your marriage. And one guy got up - Steve Largent from Oklahoma (note from DG: gotta love it when your first sports hero as a kid turns out to be a right-wing bigot) - and he said, well, I'll tell the gentleman this - no, it doesn't hurt my marriage. It doesn't hurt the marriage of other people here, but it hurts the institution of marriage. And my response was, well, it doesn't hurt any individual marriages, but despite that, it somehow hurts the institution of marriage. That is an argument that ought to be made by someone in an institution.
Or, on the topic of the India law specifically, Penn Jillette put it nicely when he said, "Business owners aren't being asked to have sex with their gay customers."

I look at it like this: I'm not religious; I don't particularly like religion; I'm not even spiritual; but I am extremely tolerant of religion and spiritualism.  Almost all my friends and family are religious or spiritual in some way, and I live in a neighborhood of, literally, dozens of churches and other places of faith.  I have zero problem with this (other than on Sunday afternoon it can be hard to find street parking).  In fact, I like the sense of community it fosters, even if I don't directly partake.  It's a very diverse neighborhood, but everybody is cool with everybody else, because everybody else is cool with everybody.



Which brings me to my main point: tolerance is a two-way street, but it turns into a closed street if one side is blocking the other side's way.  That is to say, it is okay to be intolerant toward intolerant people.  In fact, it's not just okay, it's what we should do.  It sounds paradoxical, but it's not because the intolerances are not the same.  We should be tolerant of gay people, because being gay doesn't hurt anybody in a tangible way; we should be intolerant of people who are intolerant of gays, because their intolerance does hurt people (namely gay people) in tangible way.  Intolerance of intolerance is not hypocrisy, it's fighting back.  And a key point in the Indiana law, is that conservatives, many of whom are outspokenly against gay rights, are the ones who started all of this by passing the law.  They went on the offensive.  The backlash was the reaction; it doesn't happen without the initial action.  So saying opponents of the law are intolerant is a bit like saying a guy getting punched in the neck is being intolerant for punching back in an attempt to stop his attacker.

I mean, if you want to know on which side the real bigotry lies, ask yourselves this question: If both sides sat down at the table together and somebody proposed a new law in which sexual orientation was treated exactly equally to religion -- in hiring practices, in marriage, in consumer rights, in adoption, etc., in all these things gays and religious people were given the exact same protections -- which side says yes and which side says no?  I think you know the answer, and I think you get my point.

Okay, dismounting soapbox in 3-2-1 ...

Like usual, I set out to write about five things and took up all my time writing about one.  C'est la vie.

Until next time ...